Besim Verdi Abdullai, MBM, https://medium.com/@besimabdullai_50077/the-real-road-to-brussels-goes-through-skopje-not-sofia-b0f7e1e170b2
Much of the current political and media discourse in North Macedonia frames the country’s stalled European Union accession as primarily a result of Bulgaria’s veto and the demand to recognize the Bulgarian minority in the Constitution. While this external political condition does exist, it dangerously overshadows more profound and urgent domestic challenges that fundamentally undermine North Macedonia’s EU aspirations. Chief among these are: a deeply dysfunctional judiciary, systemic discrimination against the Albanian population, and weak democratic institutions.
1. Dysfunctional Judiciary and Administrative Backlog
A functioning, independent, and efficient judiciary is a core EU accession requirement, yet the state of North Macedonia’s judicial system is alarming:
- Administrative Court Backlog : According to official data, the Administrative Court had 7,604 unresolved cases in 2020, down from 9,786 in 2018 and 10,734 in 2016. While this reflects incremental progress, it still signifies a system overwhelmed and underperforming. [1]
- Higher Administrative Court : Serving as the appellate body, it too suffered from massive backlogs: 5,825 unresolved cases in 2020, down from 6,508 in 2018 and 7,642 in 2016. [1] [2]
- Judicial Council Report (2024) : In a broader view, the Macedonian courts entered 2024 with 131,005 pending cases, received 569,958 new ones, and still ended the year with 134,729 unresolved cases — an increase, despite high resolution rates. Critically, the Higher Administrative Court was labeled among the inefficient. [3]
- Judge Shortage Crisis (2025) : There are only 272 judges currently active, whereas 434 are required to meet the system’s needs. This shortage severely delays judicial processes and undermines citizens’ access to justice. [4]
- European Commission (2023) : The EU’s own reporting highlights no significant progress in judicial reform, citing continued inefficiency, lack of independence, and political influence.
These facts point to a system crippled by structural problems, not external vetoes. The argument that Sofia is blocking Skopje from the EU becomes a distraction from the real work needed at home.
2. Systematic Discrimination Against Albanians — A Constitutional and Political Crisis
Another dimension often ignored in these debates is the ongoing marginalization of Albanians, who are not a minority, but autochthonous and state-forming people in North Macedonia.
- Constitutional Disrespect : The use of the degrading term ”20%” to define the Albanian population’s rights is an insult to their political and historical role. The Albanian language should be enshrined as an official language, not limited by artificial percentages.
- Exclusion from Full Citizenship: This terminology and its legal implications create a two-tiered citizenship, inconsistent with EU norms on minority and linguistic rights.
- Employment Disparities: Albanians are not proportionally represented in public administration, a clear violation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement and of EU principles of equality and representation.
3. Fiscal Centralization and Unequal Local Governance
North Macedonia remains highly centralized, and municipalities — especially those with Albanian majorities — suffer from underfunding and lack of fiscal autonomy:
- EU member states encourage fiscal decentralization to ensure balanced regional development and local accountability.
- In contrast, Skopje continues to control local budgets, limiting the ability of municipalities to serve their citizens effectively, further entrenching regional inequalities.
Conclusion: The Real Road to Brussels Goes Through Shkup, Not Sofia
While Bulgaria’s veto may be an immediate diplomatic obstacle, the real and more enduring blockade to EU accession is internal:
- A corrupt and ineffective judicial system;
- Persistent institutional discrimination against Albanians;
- A centralized state that resists European decentralization norms.
Asking the EU to welcome a country that fails to offer equal rights to all its citizens, that cannot deliver justice within a reasonable timeframe, and that refuses to reform structurally, is to undermine the European project itself.
President Siljanovska-Davkova and other leaders should first demonstrate European values at home— beginning with constitutional equality, judicial reform, and institutional accountability. Without this, no constitutional mention of any minority — Bulgarian or otherwise — will change the EU’s stance.
Vienna, 25.05.2025
References:
[1] academia.edu/82313153/Second_Instance_Administrative_Commissions_and_the_Administrative_Courts_Efficiency_in_the_Republic_of_North_Macedonia
[2] academia.edu/73599078/Efficiency_Indicators_of_Administrative_Courts_in_the_Republic_of_Macedonia
[3] transparency.mk/en/2025/05/05/corruption-barometer-for-april-2025
[4] globallegalinsights.com/practice-areas/litigation-and-dispute-resolution-laws-and-regulations/north-macedonia/